오늘은 미국 증시 휴장일 (2021년 2월 15일)

대통령의 날

안녕하세요. 옆집 세라입니다.

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오늘은 미연방 공휴일 "President Day" 라고 불리는 날입니다. 말 그대로 대통령의 날이며, 매년 2월 3째주 월요일이라 올해는 2월 15일이 되는 것이죠.

미국 건국의 아버지, 조지 워싱턴

대통령의 날은 역사적으로 미국 의회가 연방 공휴일로 선언하기 훨씬 전에 조지 워싱턴의 생일로서 축하하기 시작했습니다. 1879 년 러더 포드 B. 헤이스 대통령의 통치하에 워싱턴의 생일이 2 월 22 일 그의 생일에 지켜지는 법적인 공휴일이되었습니다.

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조지 워싱턴의 생일은 20 세기까지 매년 2 월 22 일에 축하되었으나, 1968 년 미국 의회에서 "월요일에 특정 법정 공휴일을 매년 균일하게 준수"하도록 [월요일 공휴일 법] 을 통과 시켰습니다.

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그리고, 조지 워싱턴 탄생일은 미국 의회에서 정한, 11 개의 공휴일 중 하나이며,수십 년 동안 지켜온 위대한 전통 중 하나는 조지 워싱턴의 고별사를 읽는 것입니다. 이는 오늘날까지 상원 연례 행사로 남아 있습니다.

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조지 워싱턴은 실제로 1731 년 2 월 11 일에 태어났지만, Julian 달력이 사용되었을 때 태어났고, 워싱턴의 생애 동안 영국과 미국의 사람들은 공식 달력 시스템을 율리우스 력에서 그레고리력으로 전환했습니다.

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참조:

https://www-almanac-com.cdn.ampproject.org/v/s/www.almanac.com/content/when-presidents-day?amp=&amp_gsa=1&amp_js_v=a6&usqp=mq331AQHKAFQArABIA%3D%3D#amp_tf=%EC%B6%9C%EC%B2%98%3A%20%251%24s&aoh=16133885425844&referrer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com&ampshare=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.almanac.com%2Fcontent%2Fwhen-presidents-day

Presidents' Day 2021

<조지워싱턴의 고별사>

조지 워싱턴 미국 대통령이 20 년 동안 미국에 공무 한 후 "친구와 동료 시민들"에게 쓴 편지입니다. 그는 버지니아의 마운트 버논에있는 자신의 집으로 은퇴하기 전, 두 번째 임기 말 무렵에 썼으며, 1796년 9월 19일에 발행되었습니다.

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궁금하신 분은 들어보세요. (영어)

영어 원문은 하기에 있습니다.

https://youtu.be/wTj8r6e7cbM

<번역본 >
친구들과 동포시민 여러분:

미국 행정부를 관리할 한 시민을 새로 선출할 시기가 이제 멀지 않았으며, 또 여러분 각자가 그처럼 중요한 신임을 받을 사람의 선출에 대해 생각해야 할 때가 실제로 도달한 지금은 그러한 선출대상이 될 몇 사람 중에 포함되는 것을 사양하기로 한 내 결심을 여러분께 알리는데 적절하다고 생각하며, 특히 그러한 결심은 일반국민의 소리를 더욱 분명히 표명케 하는데 기여할 수 있다고 봅니다.

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여러분을 한 국민으로 구성케 하는 통일된 정부는 지금 여러분에게 소중합니다. 그것은 그럴 만 한 바 그것은 여러분의 진정한 독립의 전당에서 여러분의 국내 안온과 대외 화친과 여러분의 안전과 평화, 그리고 여러분이 매우 소중하게 여기는 자유를 떠받치는 하나의 큰 기둥이 되기 때문입니다. 그러나 이 같은 진실에 대한 여러분의 확신을 약화시키기 위해 여러 가지 운동과 여러 진영에서 많이 애쓸 것이고, 많은 책략을 동원할 것이 쉽게 예견될 뿐 아니라, 그것은 국내외 적들의 공격이 끊임없이 또 적극적으로(때로는 은밀하고도 교활하게) 그 포문을 집중시킬, 여러분의 정치적 보루의 급소이기 때문입니다. 따라서 여러분이 국민의 집단 및 개인적 행복에 대한 국민총화의 무한히 큰 가치를 올바르게 평가해야 하고, 또 그 가치에 대해 늘 마음으로부터 우러나는 부동한 애착심을 품으면서, 그것을 여러분의 정치적 안정과 번영의 수호자로 늘 생각하고 말하는 습관을 기르고, 경각심을 갖고 그것을 유지하도록 감시하고, 그것이 어떻든 파기될 지도 모른다는 의구심을 보여주는 모든 것에 반대하고, 또 우리나라의 일부 지역을 여타 지역들과 소원케 하거나 혹은 현재 여러 지역을 하나로 연결하는 신성한 결속을 약화시키려는 기도에 대해 바로 그 시초에 분연히 반대의 뜻을 표시해야 하는 것이 무한히 중요합니다.

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여러분을 한 국민으로 구성케 하는 통일된 정부는 지금 여러분에게 소중합니다. 그것은 그럴 만 한 바 그것은 여러분의 진정한 독립의 전당에서 여러분의 국내 안온과 대외 화친과 여러분의 안전과 평화, 그리고 여러분이 매우 소중하게 여기는 자유를 떠받치는 하나의 큰 기둥이 되기 때문입니다. 그러나 이 같은 진실에 대한 여러분의 확신을 약화시키기 위해 여러 가지 운동과 여러 진영에서 많이 애쓸 것이고, 많은 책략을 동원할 것이 쉽게 예견될 뿐 아니라, 그것은 국내외 적들의 공격이 끊임없이 또 적극적으로(때로는 은밀하고도 교활하게) 그 포문을 집중시킬, 여러분의 정치적 보루의 급소이기 때문입니다. 따라서 여러분이 국민의 집단 및 개인적 행복에 대한 국민총화의 무한히 큰 가치를 올바르게 평가해야 하고, 또 그 가치에 대해 늘 마음으로부터 우러나는 부동한 애착심을 품으면서, 그것을 여러분의 정치적 안정과 번영의 수호자로 늘 생각하고 말하는 습관을 기르고, 경각심을 갖고 그것을 유지하도록 감시하고, 그것이 어떻든 파기될 지도 모른다는 의구심을 보여주는 모든 것에 반대하고, 또 우리나라의 일부 지역을 여타 지역들과 소원케 하거나 혹은 현재 여러 지역을 하나로 연결하는 신성한 결속을 약화시키려는 기도에 대해 바로 그 시초에 분연히 반대의 뜻을 표시해야 하는 것이 무한히 중요합니다. 이를 위해 여러분은 동정과 관심을 불러 일으켜야 할 충분한 이유를 갖고 있습니다. 여러분은 출생 또는 선택에 의해 같은 나라의 시민이 되었으며, 이 나라를 집중적으로 사랑할 의무를 갖습니다. 여러분의 국민자격을 나타내는 미국인이란 호칭은 언제나 지방의 차이에 기인하는 어떠한 명칭보다도 더 의로운 애국적 긍지를 높여주어야 합니다. 일부 차이는 있으나, 여러분은 동일한 종교와 예절과 관습과 정치의 원칙을 갖고 있습니다. 여러분은 공통의 대의 하에 함께 싸워 승리했습니다. 여러분이 누리는 독립과 자유는 공동 회의와 공동 노력, 공통된 위험과 고난과 성공의 소산입니다.

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그렇다면, 우리나라의 모든 지역들이 이같이 연방에 대해 즉각적이고도 특수한 관심을 갖는 한, 연방 하에 결속된 여러분의 모든 지역은 수단과 노력을 한데 뭉침으로써, 보다 큰 힘, 보다 훌륭한 기략, 따라서 외부 위험으로부터의 보다 큰 안보, 국내평화에 대한 외국 간섭의 축소를 어김없이 이룩할 수 있습니다. 그리고 무한히 소중한 것은, 그들(각 주)이 연방을 지킴으로써 그들 상호간에 분쟁과 전쟁을 일으키는 일이 없도록 해야 한다는 것입니다. 한 정부 밑에 뭉쳐 있지 못한 이웃 나라들은 번번히 이런 분쟁과 전쟁과 전쟁의 재난을 겪고 있습니다. 이러한 분쟁은 그들이 서로 적대시하기만 해도 일어나기 마련이며, 또 외세와의 동맹, 결탁 또는 음모는 이러한 분쟁을 자극하고 격화 시키게 될 것입니다. 그러므로 (연방을 지켜나가면) 그들(각 주)은 지나치게 큰 군사기관(군부)이 필요 없게 될 것입니다. 지나치게 큰 군사기관(군부)은 어떤 정부 하에서건 자유를 위해 이롭지 못하며, 또 특히 공화정적 자유를 위해서는 해로운 것으로 간주되어야 할 것입니다. 이러한 목적으로, 여러분의 연방은 여러분의 자유의 대들보로 간주되어야 하며, 또 여러분의 연방에 대한 사랑은 여러분에게 자유보존의 가치를 높여주어야 합니다.

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연방의 효능과 영속을 위해서는 한 통합정부가 절대로 필요합니다. 지역간의 동맹은 그것이 아무리 단단하더라도 통합정부를 적절하게 대신할 수 없습니다. 그 같은 동맹은 모든 동맹체들이 어느 시대에서나 겪은 협정위반과 해체를 불가피적으로 경험할 것이 틀림 없습니다. 이 중요한 진실을 잘 인식한 여러분은 친밀한 병합과 공동 관심사의 효과적인 관리를 위해, 과거의 것보다 더 잘 구상된 정부에 관한 헌법을 채택함으로써 여러분의 첫 시도의 결과를 개선했습니다. 본 정부는 우리가 어떠한 영향도 받지 않고 어떠한 압력에도 굴하지 않고, 충분한 연구 조사와 신중을 기한 숙고 하에 채택한 것이며, 그 원칙들이 완전히 자유롭게 정해졌고, 권력이 자유롭게 분산되고, 안보와 정력을 결합하고, 자체 내에 자체의 개정 규정을 포함하고 있는 바, 이 같은 본 정부는 여러분의 신임과 지지를 마땅히 받을 만 합니다. 그 권위를 존중하고 그 법을 준수하고 그 조처에 순종하는 것은 진정한 자유의 기본 원리에 따라 부과되는 의무입니다.

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우리 정치 제도의 기본은 국민들이 그들의 정부 기구를 만들고 변경하는 권리에 있습니다. 그러나 모든 국민들에 의한 명백하고도 인증된 조치에 의해 수정될 때까지 존재하는 이 헌법은 모든 사람들에게 신성한 의무를 부과합니다. 정부를 설치할 수 있는 국민의 권한과 권리에 관한 개념 그 자체는 그렇게 설치된 정부에 순종해야 하는 모든 개인의 의무를 전제로 합니다. 여러분의 정부를 유지하고 현재의 행복을 지속시키려면, 여러분이 인정된 정부 권한에 대한 변칙적인 반대에 꾸준하게 대처할 뿐 아니라, 정부 원칙을 변경하려는 태도에 대해서 그 구실이 아무리 그럴 듯 하더라도 그에 주의 깊게 저항하는 것을 선행조건으로 삼아야 합니다. 한 가지 공격 방법은 우리 제도의 활력을 손상시킬 헌법개정의 형태를 취하며, 이는 직접적으로는 전복할 수 없는 것을 서서히 약화 시킬 수 있습니다. 여러분은 어떤 변화에 참여하도록 요청 받았을 때는, 정부의 진정한 성격을 정하기 위해서는 다른 인간제도의 경우와 마찬가지로 최소한 시간과 관습이 필요조건 이라는 점, 한 나라의 현존구조의 진정한 경향을 시험 하는 데는 경험이 가장 확실한 표준이라는 점, 그리고 단순한 가설과 견해만을 믿고 손쉽게 변경하면, 한없이 많은 가설과 견해로 인한 끝없는 변경을 하게 된다는 점을 명심해야 하며, 또 우리나라 같이 광대한 국가에서 공동관심사를 효과적으로 관리하기 위해서는 자유의 완전한 확보에 적합할 만큼 활력에 찬 정부가 절대로 필요하다는 점을 특히 명심해야 합니다. 권력이 적절하게 분산되고 조정되어 있는 그 같은 정부에서 자유 그 자체는 그 정부에 대한 가장 확실한 수호자가 됩니다.

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사실, 정부가 너무나 허약해서 파당적 시도에 견딜 수 없고, 사회의 각 구성원을 법이 제정하는 제한 속에 가두어 놓을 수 없고, 또 모두가 인권과 재산을 안전하고도 조용한 가운데 계속 누릴 수 없게 된다면, 그 정부는 명목 이상의 아무 것도 아닙니다.

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자유 국가에서 정당은 정부의 행정을 견제하고 또 자유의 정신을 계속 살아있게 하는데 유익하다는 의견이 있습니다. 그것은 어느 정도까지는 아마 진실일 것입니다. 그리고 군주주의 형태의 정부에서는 애국심이 파당 정신에 찬성하지는 않을지라도, 그것을 관대하게 간주할지도 모릅니다. 그러나 대중적 성격을 갖는 정부에서, 즉 순수하게 선거를 통하는 정부에서는 이것은 고무되어서는 안 되는 정신입니다. 그러한 정부의 자연적 경향 때문에 찬양할만한 목적이 있을 때마다 언제나 그 같은 정신이 과다하게 나오고, 또 확실히 과열 될 위험이 끊임없이 존재합니다. 그러므로 여론의 힘을 빌려 완화하려고 노력해야 합니다. 불을 꺼지게 해서는 안 됩니다. 불은 따뜻이 열을 내되 아주 꺼지지 않도록, 갑자기 타오르지 않게끔 꾸준히 경계해야 합니다.

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마찬가지로 중요한 것은, 자유국가에서는 통치를 위임 받은 사람들이 한 부서의 권력행사가 다른 부서를 잠식하지 않도록 하면서 허용된 헌법상의 영역 내에 국한시키도록 조심하는 사고의 습성을 지녀야 한다는 것입니다. 잠식을 좋아하는 기질은 모든 부서의 권한을 하나로 통합하여, 통치형태가 다를지 모르나 사실상의 전제정치를 만들어 내는 경향이 있습니다……만약 헌법적 권한의 배분이 어떤 특정면에서 잘못이라는 국민의 여론이 나온다면, 그것은 헌법규정에 따른 개정을 통해 시정되어야 합니다. 그러나 권리 침해에 의한 변경을 허용해서는 안 됩니다. 그런 일은 선의 도구가 될 수 있는 경우도 있으나, 자유 정부를 파괴하는 통상적인 무기가 됩니다. 그런 선례는 어느 때고 거기서 나올 수 있는 부분적인 또는 과도적인 혜택이 영구적인 악에 의해 틀림없이 크게 압도될 것입니다.

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정치적 번영으로 이끄는 모든 자질과 관습 중에서 종교와 도덕은 없어서는 안 되는 지주가 됩니다. 인간의 행복을 위한 이 커다란 지주, 인간과 시민의 의무를 가장 확고하게 떠받치는 이 지주를 무너뜨리려고 하는 사람은, 아무리 애국의 공덕을 외치더라도, 공염불로 끝날 것입니다. 순수한 정치가들은 성직자에 못지않게 종교와 도덕을 존중하고 소중히 해야 합니다. 종교, 도덕과 개인 및 국민의 행복 간의 모든 연관관계는 한 권의 책으로도 다 기술할 수 없습니다. 그러나 여기서 간단히 따져 봅시다. 만약 법원의 심리 방편이 되고 있는 선서에서 종교적 의무감이 영원히 작용하지 않게 된다면, 재산과 명성과 생명의 안전을 어디에서 구하겠습니까? 도덕이 종교 없이 유지될 수 있다는 가정을 허용할 때는 신중히 해야 합니다. 특이한 재능을 갖는 사람들에 대한 차원 높은 교육의 모든 영향을 인정한다고 할지라도, 우리의 이성과 경험은 종교원칙을 제외한 국민도의의 앙양을 기대할 수 없게 합니다.

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미덕 또는 도덕이 대중정치의 필요한 원천이 된다는 것은 본질적인 진실입니다. 도덕은 힘의 강약의 차이는 있을지 모르나 모든 범주의 자유 정부들을 지배합니다. 자유정부의 성실한 동조자라면 누가 이 정부의 기초를 흔들려는 시도를 냉담한 눈으로 볼 수 있겠습니까? 그러므로 일차적 중요성을 지닌 목적으로서, 지식을 전국적으로 보급하는 제도를 촉진해야 한다. 한 정부 구조가 여론으로 하여금 힘을 갖게 하는데 비례해서, 여론의 계발이 매우 중요해집니다…….

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모든 국가에 대해 선의와 정의를 유지해야 합니다. 모든 국가와의 평화와 화친을 조성해야 합니다. 종교와 도덕은 그것을 요구합니다. 그리고 훌륭한 정책 역시 그것을 똑같이 요구하지 않겠습니까? 그러한 일은 이미 숭고한 정의와 전수정신에 의해 인도되고 있는 한 국민들이 인류에게 관대하고도 매우 고상한 모범을 보여주도록, 자유롭고 계몽되고 또 머지 않은 시기에 위대하게 될 한 국민에게 어울리는 과업인 것입니다…….

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그런 계획을 수행하기 위해서는, 무엇보다도, 일부 특정 국가들에 대해서는 항구적이고도 완고한 혐오감을 갖는 한편 또 다른 국가들에 대해서는 정열적인 애착심을 갖는 태도를 배제하고 대신 모든 국가들에 대해서 공정하고도 우호적인 감정을 키워나가는 것이 중요합니다. 타국에 대해 습관적 증오나 혹은 습관적인 호의를 품는 국민은 자신들의 증오심이나 애착심의 노예이며, 어느 경우에나 그 같은 마음은 그 국민으로 하여금 그들의 의무와 이익으로부터 빗나가게 하는데 충분합니다. 한 나라의 한 타국에 대한 반목은 사소한 불의의 분규가 생겨도, 각국은 상대국을 모욕하고 상처를 주고, 사소한 불쾌원인을 악용하고 또 오만하고 고집불통이 되게 하기 쉽습니다.

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이와 똑같이 한 나라의 다른 나라에 대한 정열적인 애착심도 각종 불행을 낳습니다. 좋아하는 나라에 대한 동정은 진정한 공동이익이 존재하지 않는 경우에도 상상적인 공통이익의 환상을 갖기 쉽게 하고, 또 한나라가 다른 나라에게 경의를 품게 함으로써, 전자로 하여금 적당한 오인이나 적당한 이유없이 후자의 분쟁과 전쟁에 공연히 관여케 합니다. 이것은 또한 좋아하는 국가에게 타국에게는 거부하고 있는 특권을 양도케 하는데, 그것은 양보하는 국가로 하여금 관계를 유지해야 할 나라와 불필요하게 헤어짐으로써, 또한 평등한 특권을 보류 당한 국가들의 시기, 악의 및 복수심을 자극함으로써 이중의 피해를 받기 쉽게 합니다.

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외세의 음흉한 농간에 대항하는 자유민의 빈틈없는 경계심은 언제나 유지되어야 한다. 왜냐하면 역사와 경험은 외세가 공화정치의 가장 유해한 적 중의 하나임을 입증하기 때문입니다. 그러나 빈틈 없는 경계심도 쓸모 있는 것이 되자면 공평 무사해야 합니다. 그렇지 않으면 그것은 외세를 막아내지 않고, 피해야 할 바로 그 외세를 불러들이게 됩니다.

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어느 한 외국에 대한 과도한 편애와 다른 어느 외국에 대한 과도한 혐오는 오직 그 전자의 위험만을 보게 하고, 후자에 대한 압력의 술책을 은폐하고 옹호하는 구실을 주게 됩니다. 편파주의에 사로잡힌 바보들은 민중의 갈채와 신임을 부당하게 차지하려다 국가의 이익을 희생하지만, 편파 주의자들의 술책을 배격하는 진정한 애국자들은 의심과 미움을 받게 되기 일쑤입니다.

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외국에 대한 우리 행동의 대원칙은 우리가 상업관계를 확대하면서, 되도록 최소한의 정치적 관련을 갖게 하자는 것입니다. 이미 우리가 맺어 놓은 계약들에 한해서는 완전한 신의를 지키고 그 계약들을 수행합시다. 이 정도에서 그칩시다.

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유럽은 우리와는 전혀 무관하거나 혹은 거리가 매우 먼 일련의 중요한 이해관계를 가지고 있습니다…….

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무엇 때문에 우리의 운명을 유럽의 어느 지역의 운명과 얽히게 함으로써 우리의 평화와 번영이 유럽의 야심, 경쟁, 이해관계, 일시적 기분 혹은 변덕에 말려들게 할 것입니까?

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우리가 현재처럼 자유로이 회피할 수 있는 한에 있어서, 외부세계의 어느 지역과도 항구적인 동맹을 피하려는 것이 우리의 진정한 정책입니다. 이렇게 말하는 것은 우리가 기존 계약들에 대한 배신행위를 장려할 수 있는 힘이 있는 것으로 오해 받지 않으려고 하기 때문입니다. 정직이 언제나 최선의 방책이라는 격언은 개인에 있어서나 마찬가지로 공사에도 적용될 수 있는 것이라고 나는 생각합니다. 따라서, 거듭 말하거니와, 이들 계약들을 그 순수한 바탕에서 준수하도록 하자. 하지만, 제 소견으로는 그 계약들을 확대하는 일은 불필요하고도 현명치 못할 것입니다.

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적절한 군비로 우리의 방위태세를 남이 넘보지 못하게 유지하도록 항상 배려한다면, 우리는 비상시에 대비한 잠정적 동맹에 의지해도 무방할 것입니다.

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정책상으로 보나 인간성과 이해관계로 보나 모든 나라들과 화평하고 자유로이 교제하는 것이 바람직합니다. 그러나 우리의 교역 정책은 평등하고 공평무사해야 하며, 그리고 독점적인 혜택이나 특혜를 바라거나 혹은 주지도 말아야 할 것입니다. 또한 순리를 따라야 할 것이며, 그리고 온건한 방법으로 상업의 흐름을 넓히고 그리고 다변화하되, 무엇이나 강제해서는 안 됩니다. 그리고 또한 교역의 안전한 길을 닦아 주고 우리 상인들의 권리를 확정해주고 그리고 정부가 그 상인들을 뒷받침할 수 있도록 주어진 권력으로 관례적인 교류원칙을 수립해야 할 것입니다. 이러한 교역원칙은 현정세와 상호 의견이 허용하는 최선의 것이 되어야 하지만, 잠정적인 것이며, 그리고 경험과 사정이 명령하는데 따라서 시시로 포기 혹은 변경될 수도 있어야 합니다. 그리고 우리의 상업정책은 1국이 타국으로부터 사심 없는 혜택을 구하는 일은 어리석은 짓이며, 그리고 그러한 성격의 어떠한 혜택에 대해서도 독립의 일부를 대가로 지불해야 하며, 그리고 이러한 혜택의 수락으로 자국을 허울 좋은 혜택과 같은 가치의 물질로 갚았는데도 그 이상 더 많이 갚지 않았다 해서 망은의 비난까지 받게 되는 상태에 빠뜨릴 수 있음을 항상 명심해야 합니다. 국가간에 진정한 후의를 기대하거나 예측하는 일보다 더 큰 과오는 있을 수 없습니다. 그러한 기대는 경험이 깨우쳐 주게 되는, 그리고 또한 올바른 자존심에 의해 마땅히 내버려야 하는 환상입니다…….

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나의 행정부에서 일어난 일들을 검토해 볼 때 나는 고의적인 과오는 생각나는 것이 없지만, 그러나 나는 나의 결함들을 너무나 잘 알고 있기 때문에 많은 과오를 범했을지 모른다는 생각을 갖고 있습니다. 과오가 어떤 것들일지라도, 나는 전지전능한 신에게 과오가 흔히 사악이 되기 마련인 그 사악을 파할 수 있게 해주시고 그리고 경감시켜 주시기를 열렬하게 간청하는 바입니다. 나는 우리나라가 과오를 너그러이 봐주는 일을 언제까지라도 중단하지 않을 것이며, 그리고 내가 매우 열심히 봉사한 45년간의 근무생활 이후에 나 자신이 멀지 않아 휴식의 저택으로 넘겨져야 할 수 밖에 없듯이, 무능에 연유한 과오들도 망각에로 넘겨질 것이라는 희망을 또한 가지고 있습니다.

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기타 일들에서와 마찬가지로 이 점에서도 우리나라의 친절에 의지하고 있으며, 그리고 자신의 향토와 구세대에 걸친 선조들의 향토에 대해 애향심을 갖는 인간에게 극히 자연스러운 열렬한 애국심의 자극을 받은 나는 은퇴하면 자유정부 하에서 선한 법률들의 인자한 영향을, 나의 국민들 속에 끼어서, 국민들과 함께 향유하는 기쁨을 순수하게 실현하겠노라고 나 스스로 다짐했던 바가 이루어질 것으로 즐거운 마음으로 기대하는 바, 이 자유정부는 항상 내가 즐겨 염원해온 것이며, 우리들이 서로 돌보고 서로 애쓰고, 서로 위험에 부딪히고 한 결과인 복된 보답인 것으로 나는 믿습니다.

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참조:미국 대사관 홈페이지

https://kr.usembassy.gov/ko/education-culture-ko/infopedia-usa-ko/living-documents-american-history-democracy-ko/george-washington-farewell-address-1796-ko/

조지 워싱턴 : 고별연설 | U.S. Embassy & Consulate in the Republic of Korea

조지 워싱턴 고별사

영어 원문

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Friends and Fellow Citizens:

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The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

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I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

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The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

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I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

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The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

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In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

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Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

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Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

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The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

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For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

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But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

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The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

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While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

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These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

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In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

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To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

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All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.


However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

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Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

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I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

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This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

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The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

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Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

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It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

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There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

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It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

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Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

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It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

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Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

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As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

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Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

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In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.

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So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.



As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

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Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

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The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

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Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

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Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

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It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

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Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

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Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

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In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

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How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

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In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

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After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

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The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

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The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

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The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

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Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

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Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

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United States

19th September, 1796

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Geo. Washington

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Our Documents - Transcript of President George Washington's Farewell Address (1796)